中国一直以来都不停的在宣传美国对中国压制打击。始终会时不时散布对抗美国的舆论和煽动讨厌抵制美国的情绪。

 自新中国成立以来，  美国的官员 媒体 舆论就讨厌中国官员们，特别是政治体制 和领导层。 他们不喜欢中国官员 控制管理国家的方式，讨厌中国政府专制 特权 执政理念。 而中国官员则痛恨美国官员对他们行为的指指点点，以及国际会议上对他们的轻视冷漠傲慢。

 于是，中国共产党领导人和 美国官员 因为彼此不感冒，就演变为中国和美国之间的涉及方方面面关乎国家人民利益的对抗、冲突和摩擦。

 中国和美国为何不能成为像加拿大 澳大利亚 日本那样盟友呢？ 

看了奥巴马在澳大利亚国会的演讲，你就会明白其中的道理。 为什么美国会封锁中国 对付中国。美国会欢迎 喜欢什么样的中国。 美国有可能和中国成为向澳大利亚那样的盟友吗？

让我们先看看奥巴马演讲全文。

US President Barack Obama's speech to parliament

But to a young American boy, Australia and its people-your optimism, your easy-going ways, your irreverent sense of humor-felt so familiar; it felt like home.  I've always wanted to return.  I tried last year.  Twice.  But this is a Lucky Country.  And today I feel lucky to be here as we mark the 60th anniversary of our unbreakable alliance.

The bonds between us run deep.  In each other's story we see so much of ourselves.  Ancestors who crossed vast oceans-some by choice, some in chains.  Settlers who pushed west across sweeping plains.  Dreamers who toiled with hearts and hands to lay railroads and build cities.  Generations of immigrants who, with each new arrival, add a new thread to the brilliant tapestry of our nations.  And we are citizens who live by a common creed-no matter who you are or what you look like, everyone deserves a fair chance; everyone deserves a fair go.

Of course, progress in our societies has not come without tension, or struggles to overcome a painful past.  But we are countries with a willingness to face our imperfections, and to keep reaching for our ideals.  That's the spirit we saw in this chamber, three years ago, as this nation inspired the world with an historic gesture of reconciliation with Indigenous Australians.  It's the spirit of progress, in America, which allows me to stand before you today, as President of the United States.  And it's the spirit I'll see later today when I become the first U.S. president to visit the Northern Territory, where I'll meet the Traditional Owners of the Land.

Nor has our progress come without great sacrifice.  This morning, I was humbled to visit your war memorial and pay my respects to Australia's fallen sons and daughters.  Later today, in Darwin, I'll join the Prime Minister in saluting our brave men and women in uniform.  It will be a reminder that-from the trenches of the First World War to the mountains of Afghanistan-Aussies and Americans have stood together, fought together and given their lives together in every single major conflict of the past hundred years.  Every single one.

This solidarity has sustained us through a difficult decade.  We will never forget that the attacks of 9/11 took the lives, not only of Americans, but people from many nations, including Australia.  In the United States, we'll never forget how Australia invoked the ANZUS Treaty-for the first time ever-showing that our two nations stand as one.  And none of us will ever forget those we've lost to al Qaeda's terror in the years since, including innocent Australians.

That's why we are determined to succeed in Afghanistan.  It's why I salute Australia-outside of NATO, the largest contributor of troops to this vital mission.  And it's why we honor all those who have served there for our security, including 32 Australian patriots who gave their lives, among them Captain Bryce Duffy, Corporal Ashley Birt, and Lance Corporal Luke Gavin.  We will honor their sacrifice by making sure that Afghanistan is never again used as source for attacks against our people.  Never again. 

As two global partners, we stand up for the security and dignity of people around the world.  We see it when our rescue workers rush to help others in times of fire and drought and flooding rains.  We see it when we partner to keep the peace-from East Timor to the Balkans-and when we pursue our shared vision: a world without nuclear weapons.  We see it in the development that lifts up a child in Africa; the assistance that saves a family from famine; and when we extend our support to the people of the Middle East and North Africa, who deserve the same liberty that allows us to gather in this great hall of democracy.

This is the alliance we reaffirm today-rooted in our values; renewed by every generation.  This is the partnership we've worked to deepen over the past three years.  And today I can stand before you and say with confidence that the alliance between the United States and Australia has never been stronger.  As it has been to our past, our alliance is indispensable to our future.  So, here, among close friends, I'd like to address the larger purpose of my visit to this region-our efforts to advance security, prosperity and human dignity across the Asia Pacific. 

For the United States, this reflects a broader shift.  After a decade in which we fought two wars that cost us dearly, in blood and treasure, the United States is turning our attention to the vast potential of the Asia Pacific.  In just a few weeks, after nearly nine years, the last American troops will leave Iraq and our war will be over.  In Afghanistan, we've begun a transition so Afghans can take responsibility for their future and so coalition forces can draw down.  And with partners like Australia, we've struck major blows against al Qaeda and put that terrorist organization on the path to defeat, including delivering justice to Osama bin Laden.

So make no mistake, the tide of war is receding, and America is looking ahead to the future we must build.  From Europe to the Americas, we've renewed alliances and partnerships.  At home, we're investing in the sources of our long-term economic strength-the education of our children, the training of our workers, the infrastructure that fuels commerce, the science and research that leads to new breakthroughs.  We've made hard decisions to cut our deficit and put our fiscal house in order-and we will continue to do more.  Because our economic strength at home is the foundation of our leadership in the world, including here in the Asia Pacific.  

Our new focus on this region reflects a fundamental truth-the United States has been, and always will be, a Pacific nation.  Asian immigrants helped build America, and millions of American families, including my own, cherish our ties to this region.  From the bombing of Darwin to the liberation of Pacific islands, from the rice paddies of Southeast Asia to a cold Korean peninsula, generations of Americans have served here, and died here.  So democracies could take root.  So economic miracles could lift hundreds of millions to prosperity.  Americans have bled with you for this progress, and we will never allow it to be reversed.

Here, we see the future.  As the world's fastest-growing region-and home to more than half the global economy-the Asia Pacific is critical to achieving my highest priority: creating jobs and opportunity for the American people.  With most of the world's nuclear powers and some half of humanity, Asia will largely define whether the century ahead will be marked by conflict or cooperation, needless suffering or human progress. 

As President, I've therefore made a deliberate and strategic decision-as a Pacific nation, the United States will play a larger and long-term role in shaping this region and its future, by upholding core principles and in close partnership with allies and friends.

First, we seek security, which is the foundation of peace and prosperity.  We stand for an international order in which the rights and responsibilities of all nations and people are upheld.  Where international law and norms are enforced.  Where commerce and freedom of navigation  are not impeded.  Where emerging powers contribute to regional security, and where disagreements are resolved peacefully.  That is the future we seek.

Now, I know that some in this region have wondered about America's commitment to upholding these principles.  So let me address this directly.  As the United States puts our fiscal house in order, we are reducing our spending.  And yes, after a decade of extraordinary growth in our military budgets-and as we definitively end the war in Iraq, and begin to wind down the war in Afghanistan-we will make some reductions in defense spending. 

As we consider the future of our armed forces, we have begun a review that will identify our most important strategic interests and guide our defense priorities and spending over the coming decade.  And here is what this region must know.  As we end today's wars, I have directed my national security team to make our presence and missions in the Asia Pacific a top priority.  As a result, reductions in U.S. defense spending will not-I repeat, will not-come at the expense of the Asia Pacific. 

My guidance is clear.  As we plan and budget for the future, we will allocate the resources necessary to maintain our strong military presence in this region.  We will preserve our unique ability to project power and deter threats to peace.  We will keep our commitments, including our treaty obligations to allies like Australia.  And we will constantly strengthen our capabilities to meet the needs of the 21st century. Our enduring interests in the region demand our enduring presence in this region.  The United States is a Pacific power, and we are here to stay.

Indeed, we're already modernizing America's defense posture across the Asia-Pacific.  It will be more broadly distributed-maintaining our strong presence in Japan and on the Korean peninsula, while enhancing our presence in Southeast Asia.  Our posture will be more flexible-with new capabilities to ensure that our forces can operate freely.  And our posture will be more sustainable-by helping allies and partners build their capacity, with more training and exercises.

We see our new posture here in Australia.  The initiatives that the Prime Minister and I announced yesterday will bring our two militaries even closer.  We'll have new opportunities to train with other allies and partners, from the Pacific to the Indian Ocean.  And it will allow us to respond faster to the full range of challenges, including humanitarian crises and disaster relief.  Since World War II, Australians have warmly welcomed American service members who've passed through.  On behalf of the American people, I thank you for welcoming those who will come next, as they ensure that our alliance stays strong and ready for the tests of our time.

We see America's enhanced presence in all the alliances we've strengthened.  In Japan, where our alliance remains a cornerstone of regional security.  In Thailand, where we're partnering for disaster relief.  In the Philippines, where we're increasing ship visits and training.  And in South Korea, where our commitment to the security of the Republic of Korea will never waver. 

Indeed, we also reiterate our resolve to act firmly against any proliferation activities by North Korea.  The transfer of nuclear materials or material by North Korea to states or non-state entities would be considered a grave threat to the United States and our allies.  And we would hold North Korea fully accountable for the consequences of such action.

We see America's enhanced presence across Southeast Asia.  In our partnership with Indonesia against piracy and violent extremism, and in our work with Malaysia to prevent proliferation.  In the ships we'll deploy to Singapore, and in our closer cooperation with Vietnam and Cambodia.  And in our welcome of India as it "looks east" and plays a larger role as an Asian power.

At the same time, we've re-engaged with regional organizations.  Our work in Bali this week will mark my third meeting with ASEAN leaders, and I'll be proud to be the first American president to attend the East Asia Summit.  Together, we can address shared challenges, such as proliferation and maritime security, including cooperation in the South China Sea. 

Meanwhile, the United States will continue our effort to build a cooperative relationship with China.  All of our nations have a profound interest in the rise of a peaceful and prosperous China-and that is why the United States welcomes it.  We've seen that China can be a partner, from reducing tensions on the Korean Peninsula to preventing proliferation.  We'll seek more opportunities for cooperation with Beijing, including greater communication between our militaries to promote understanding and avoid miscalculation.  We will do this, even as continue to speak candidly with Beijing about the importance of upholding international norms and respecting the universal human rights of the Chinese people.

A secure and peaceful Asia is the foundation for the second area in which America is leading again-advancing our shared prosperity.  History teaches us-the greatest force the world has ever known for creating wealth and opportunity is free markets.  So we seek economies that are open and transparent.  We seek trade that is free and fair.  And we seek an open international economic system, where rules are clear and every nation plays by them.

In Australia and America, we understand these principles.  We're among the most open economies on earth.  Six years into our landmark trade agreement, commerce between us has soared.  Our workers are creating new partnerships and new products, like the advanced aircraft technologies we build together in Victoria.  We're the leading investor in Australia, and you invest more in America than you do in any other nation, creating good jobs in both countries.

傅国涌

超越时代的思索

　　笔者有幸,读到了林昭在1963年写给《人民日报》编辑部的长达14万言的信(现保存于林昭亲友手中,未刊稿)。她在其中提出的观点,她对时代和中国命运的思考,她使用的语言,都超越了同时代的人。她抛弃了当时无所不在的弥漫着火药味的斗争话语,找到了自己的话语方式,用自己的语言概括了那个时代。

　　她的批判不是破坏性的,而是建设性的。她的同伴黄政回忆,1962年林昭在谈到广大农村饿死人时,就说人民公社不合国情、不合情理,应当及早解散,在农村实行耕者有其田；对于“割资本主义尾巴”,她提出应当允许私人开业经营,主张私人办厂是她的罪名之一；她说要改变闭关锁国的政策,加强与世界的联系,包括引进外资,借外债加速经济和科技的发展。她还提出了地方自治等设想。这些今天有些已变成现实的想法,在当时的中国无疑是空谷足音。

　　她最终摆脱了简单的仇恨意识和你死我活的敌对思维:“我们反对什么,那是很清楚的,可是我们到底要建立什么呢?要把自由的概念化为蓝图而具体地按照它去建设生活,可不是一件简单轻易的事情,特别是要在这样一个广大分散痼疾深沉的国家里来建设它,就更其复杂艰巨!……只要生活中还有人被奴役,则除了被奴役者不得自由,那奴役他人者同样不得自由!然则身受着暴政奴役切肤之痛、再也不愿意作奴隶了的我们,是不是还要无视如此悲惨的教训,而把自己斗争的目的贬低到只是企望去作另一种形式的奴隶主呢?奴役,这是可以有时甚至还必需以暴力去摧毁的,但自由的性质决定了它不能够以暴力去建立,甚至都不能够以权力去建立!”她在观念上找到了新的出路,对自由、生活、政治都有了全新的认识。她说:“高尚的目的根本不需要、更加不可能用卑鄙的方法去达成,只有卑鄙的目的才能够与卑鄙的方法相得益彰地‘配套成龙’。”

    从右派到“反革命”

　　林昭不是天上掉下来的,她是在中国这块土地上一步步走过来的,她也有过轻信、迷狂和个人崇拜,甚至不惜与家庭决裂。直到1957年之后,她才开始反省,开始追问,开始寻找,最终回归了良心,回归了人的本性,回归了生活本身。

　　1957年5月北大鸣放时,她并无右派言论,只是在张元勋等人遭到围攻时,挺身而出,说了几句公道话。她也参加了学生刊物《红楼》开除张元勋的签名。但终未能幸免于右派的命运。她在写给妹妹的信中说:“当我加冕成为‘右派’后,你是无论如何也不能体会我的心情的,我认为我热爱党的程度是压倒一切的,没有任何事物可以与之相比拟。我不能忍受它对我的误解,而且误解得那样深。”1958年7月,当右派同学刘发清痛苦得吃不下饭时,她开导说,自己一开始也是吃不下、睡不着,还自杀,现在想通了:“这不单是我个人的命运问题,北大划了多少个右派?全国有多少?”“反右斗争还在全国进行,它的性质、它的意义、它的后果、它对我们国家、对历史有什么影响?对我们自己有什么教训?我现在还搞不清楚。但我要认真思考,找寻答案。”她不顾自己的处境,为大跃进等原因造成的大饥荒忧心如焚,和一些志同道合的青年右派一起办了油印刊物《星火》,坚持说出真相,并给领导人写信,试图以微弱的力量阻止悲剧的蔓延,终于以“反革命”罪被捕入狱。

　　她通往1968年4月29日的路,就此开始。

   “我是个人”

　　自从1960年入狱,林昭就对自己的处境有着清醒的认识,她在这封长信中写道:“我很知道反抗者在我们的制度下意味着什么,而走反抗者的道路在我们的制度下又将遇到些什么。”对于自己的结局,她早有预感,做好了心理准备。1966年,她对前来探监的张元勋说:“顶多也就是死!他们杀机已定,哀求之与痛斥之,其结果完全相同!”1968年,当她被折磨得只剩下不到70磅,大咯血,最后一次被送进监狱医院时,对她怀有同情的医生悄悄说:“唉,你又何苦呢?”她则轻声答以“宁为玉碎”。

　　她热爱生,但她只能作为一个人活着。她有个说法,祖先已从猴子变成人,“我这不肖子孙无论如何,断难再从人变为猴子”。

　　她不愿意任人摆布而苟全,也就是不愿意变成人家手里的一张牌。她曾对审讯者说过在狱中做的怪梦:“魔术家跳上跳下,不断对我挥舞着魔棍,并指着一个木框子叫道:‘进去,进去!变成我的一张牌———我正缺一张黑桃皇后!’但我叫得比他更响:‘我是个人,知道吧?不是谁手里的牌!黑桃皇后?!你就是让我当金花菜老K,我也不干!’”“我是个人”,这是她的底线,不容突破,不可妥协。她在忍无可忍、多少镣铐加身的情况下,对狱警发出的最严厉的责问也只是:“你们究竟是不是人!?是不是人生父母养的!?”她说自己的思想和方法等都逐渐形成了一套完整的东西,但她同时说:“我不曾理性地去考虑和制订它们:这与其说是由于政治上的幼稚和不成熟,毋宁说是由于青春时代刚毅热烈的气质!虽然这二者也许不可分开。过去对着人们我也不止一次坦然承认:这个青年反抗者所作的诸般战斗行动,大都源于直觉———感性,而不是源于理性。理性在我只不过是或用以检验、反省以至理解感性的决定罢了。理性在一定程度上可以加深感性,然而绝对无法代替感性!”这段自白是理解林昭最后的道路和抉择的一把钥匙。她从来无意于做政治家,也做不了那种政治家。她被秘密枪杀前,曾几次在狱中自杀未遂,其中一次是1964年2月5日,因不堪凌辱,吞药皂求死,急救过来,狱方责怪她:“你也是搞政治的,怎就没有点儿政治家风度?”她回答:“可惜林昭不是政客”,“本来不懂啥子政治,到了被逼无奈闯进这滩不是人下的浑水,初志仍不过是凭着书生本色的一领青衫一腔热血。……要作个有‘风度’的‘政治家’,或者干脆地说:作个专门玩儿利害的冷酷的政客,自认不仅完全不是料坯,更毫无培养前途!”

   “我怎么能认错”

　　她致死的主要原因之一就是她的不认错,多位同学都提到,“反右以后,她死不认错,她是北大惟一不认错的”。入狱之后,“有人对她说:你只要承认一句自己错了,就可放你出去。她回答道:‘不,我没有错,决不向邪恶低头。”她母亲劝她“孩子,你就认个错吧,不然,他们会杀死你的”。她回答:“我怎么能认错!我没有错!”她在信中自述:“林昭这份难移的该死的本性就是这样!———遇到外来的侵犯镇压之类,首先想到的永远只是反抗而不是其他什么!”“不怕你们把林昭磨成了粉,我的每一粒骨头渣儿都还只是一颗反抗的种子!”狱中人们都说她“有那么股子劲儿”,她自称这不过是“一股子书生气”,也就是她自己说的“感性”,这是她全部的力量源泉之一,本也是人身上最可宝贵的东西之一。“有理都是林昭的”

　　1962年,林昭在保外就医期间为什么要给北大校长陆平写信?她在狱中为什么要一而再地给上海市长、给《人民日报》写信?不是因为她幻想会有什么结果,她解释说:“我确知我的呼喊不会有任何回声……然而林昭必须对自己的一切行为包括语言负责!有了这封给北大校长的信介于其中,将来编起文集来,从‘思想日记’到‘我们是无罪的!’,再到‘我呼吁,我控诉!’,这其间的一贯脉络就极其分明而一望可知,而且这年轻人完全占着个‘理’字!……没理都是你们的!有理都是林昭的。这个年轻反抗者不仅处在有利于占理的地位上,而且行事凡百皆先求得占理!理直则气壮!三人抬不过‘理’字儿!有理且能打得太公,况其余乎!”她对审讯者说:“利害可以商榷,是非断难模糊!”“一切皆可引相对论,惟是与非断断不能二一添作五。”“是非之间绝无任何调和折衷的余地”。所以她只能选择向死而生。她骄傲地宣称自己作为反抗者所持的态度“相当光明磊落,甚至允称俯仰无愧!———可对世人,可质天日!”

　　回归人性

　　在1957年以后的11年中,她之所以一步步地能在观念上攀得更高,走得更远,甚至把同时代其他人都甩在后面,关键还是因为她人性中最真实、最柔软、最美好的一面从来没有被磨灭,反而在严酷的现实中被激活、被唤醒,她向往人的生活的愿望,决定了不能苟且、不能屈从。加上她天性中就有的对自由的追求和她认死理的气质,这些合在一起,决定了她的命运。

　　她几次说:“因为这一份该死的‘人性’,正是造成林昭本身之悲剧的根本原因!”“作为林昭的个人悲剧,那是也只好归咎于我所怀抱之这一份该死的人性了。”她的全部追求包括她的牺牲,归根结底,可以说都根源于她的人性。

　　不了解这一点,就无法理解她的宁为玉碎,她这样选择不是因为否定生活,恰恰相反,是因为她太珍视生活、太珍爱生活了。她之所以反抗到底,完全基于自己对生活的理解。她说自己反抗的全部根据只是一条天人共许的铁则:“被践踏的公义必须得到伸张!这也就是我常爱提说的生活之价值观的基本内容之一部分。”她憎恶与人的生活相对立的一切,她在送给一位同学的照片背面题了8个字:“什么是美?生活本身。”她理解的生活不是一个空洞的不着边际的名词,而是有着美好而充实的内容,在她的同学、友人的记忆中,她是一个很懂得生活并且会享受生活的人,一个有着丰富情感的人,她爱喝酒,爱吃,在狱中她给母亲的信中还能一口气开出几十种不同吃法的食物来,她喜欢跳舞,会随便采摘野花戴在头上,她会自己动手裁剪衣服……她对生活一直保持着美好的感觉。

    幼承庭训

　　从林昭的家世、成长历程来看,她深受母亲许宪民的影响,而她母亲又深受她大舅许金元———一位在“四一二”事变中被杀的早期共产党人的影响,她妹妹说她身上有“家传的政治基因”。她多次讲到自己幼承庭训,其中之一“就是必须对自己的一切行为负责”,从来不怕担负自己应负之责。她在读中学时就参加了左倾的“大众读书会”和“大地图书馆”,类似中共的外围组织,读过马列的书和毛泽东的《论联合政府》、《新民主主义论》等手抄本。1948年暑假,她甚至做过三天地下党员,只是因为对秘密工作原则缺乏认识,失去了组织关系,为此懊悔多年。她满怀希望地迎来1949年,一心上进,为此不去上大学,不惜跳窗从家里出逃,还曾无中生有地揭发过母亲。

　　她的父亲彭国彦,受过英国教育、“沾上了威斯敏斯特的民主气息”,在国民党时代有过从政经历,一直清廉耿直、洁身自好。多年以来,父亲在林昭心目中只是一个“反动官僚”,直到她成为右派,回到家中后,才与父亲有了更多的交流,她对父亲产生了愧疚、亲情和敬仰。林昭第一次入狱后,她父亲选择了自杀。1962年,同学羊华荣见到保释中的她,发现她头上戴了朵小白花,问她为谁戴孝,她说是父亲。“我说:过去你不愿提你的父亲,现在怎么成了孝女,她只是笑笑。”父女之间的这些交流在她身上开始生根。她第二次入狱,到精神病院做鉴定,她对院长粟宗华说:“我父亲曾对我讲,利用青年人的纯真热情搞政治是最残酷的。

　　……历史将宣告我无罪。”她读过《扬州十日记》,深刻地觉察到民族的悲剧“仍不过是历史之一贯性的延续”,“几名清兵就可以赶着一大群中国人去宰杀,———像赶猪羊似地驱叱而行；到了地方喝令跪下便一齐跪下,听待人家拿着刀从前排逐一杀起而竟俯首帖耳得没有一个敢动!唉!中国人!中国人!!中国人啊!!!是故当读着辛亥革命先驱者陈天华的《警世钟》、《猛回头》,秋瑾的遗诗以及林觉民《与妻书》等时,这个未失赤子之心的年青人(按:此为林昭自称)不知多少热泪如注、纵横狂流沾湿篇幅!”她由衷地景仰这些杀身成仁的先行者,并自觉地接续他们的精神脉络,这是她重要的精神源头之一。但仅有这种资源,她只能走向以暴易暴的反抗之路。

    为了迷途重归的良心

　　林昭早年就读的苏州景海女中,是一所教会学校。可以说,是基督教给了她内心的光亮和力量,使她流自己的血,却不想以血还血,而只是以自我牺牲的方式守护她深爱的一切。即使对于向她直接施暴的人,她心中也没有产生你死我活的念头。

　　1949年,她从景海女中毕业后,脱离了教会。1951年参加土改工作队时,她曾以“中央的通知”名义警告牧师,凡进行土改的地区应停止一般宗教活动。打成右派后,她开始逐渐回归,右派同学羊华荣跟她议论无神论和宗教等话题,“有次谈到基督教时,她说:你不要贬低上帝,我信奉基督教。”她曾讲过林肯救一头陷入泥沼的猪的故事,有人称赞林肯,有人说林肯做得不值,而林肯只是回答:“我不是为那口猪,我为我自己的良心!”她称自己所做的一切,也只是为了“迷途重归的基督徒的良心”。

　　1958年到1959年,她在人民大学资料室监督劳动时,每个星期天,她几乎都要带朋友甘粹到北京王府井大教堂做礼拜,并给毫无宗教知识的甘粹讲圣经故事。甘粹认为:“她从小信的是在上帝面前人人平等,反右是不平等的,不公平的。为了这个不公平,她出来替他们说话。”她在狱中一度和基督徒俞以勒同室,成为好友。这大概是她在狱中最开心的时光。她自称是“一个奉着十字架作战的自由志士”,在追思被刺杀的美国总统肯尼迪时,她说；“作为基督门徒,我们各人诚实的灵魂无论何时永远共同呼吸、居住而活跃在基督的爱里。”她自知有肺病,但不愿治疗,她说:“作为基督徒,我的生命属于我的上帝———我的信仰,我的教会———我的神灵,从这个意义上说,我是愿意甚至希望从自己中学时代的导师、带领我受洗进教的美国传道士那里得到对于肺病的药物治疗的。”“既然我的生命属于上帝,而且已经活过那么些艰难困顿至于严峻地残酷的日子,那么,无论病躯怎么衰弱,假如上帝要使用我而要我继续活下去,我一定可以活得下去!……而假如上帝需要我成为一个自觉的殉道者,我也只会发自衷心地感激施赐与我这样一份光荣!”很显然,她把自己当作一个殉道者,在信仰中获得升华。

    北大传统

　　我们同时不能忽略她的另一个思想资源,那就是北大传统对她的影响。1954年,她以江苏省总分第一的成绩考入北大中文系新闻专业,深受古典文学教授游国恩的赏识,建议她改为文学专业。因为她的文学才华,她成为北大校刊、《北大诗刊》和《红楼》杂志的编辑、编委,在北大度过了愉快的三年。她曾写过一诗《沿着五四的道路》:“北大的老钟,它曾在我们的时代的交响乐章里,奏了一支烈焰狂飙般的激情奏鸣曲……生生不息,代代相传。”蔡元培、李大钊这些北大先驱在她心目中有着沉甸甸的分量。她在成为右派、自杀获救后,愤怒地质问:“当年蔡元培先生在北大任校长时,曾慨然向北洋军阀政府去保释‘五四’被捕的学生,现在他们却把学生送进去,良知何在?天理何在?”她在1962年暂时出狱期间给北大校长陆平写信,无非也是要重申北大传统。

　　在1957年的风暴来临前,她在北大的《红楼》杂志第三期发表过一篇《种籽———革命先烈李大钊殉难三十周年祭》,其中引用了李大钊早年的几段话:

　　禁止思想是绝对不可能的,因为思想有超越一切的力量。监狱,刑罚,苦痛,贫困,乃至死杀,这些东西都不能钳制思想,束缚思想,禁止思想。……你要禁止他,他的力量便跟着你的禁止越发强大,你怎么禁止他、制抑他、绝灭他、摧残他,他便怎样生存、发展、传播、滋荣……

　　真正的解放,不是央求人家,“网开三面”地把我们解放出来,是要靠自己的力量,抗拒冲决,使他们不得不任我们自己解放自己。不是仰赖那权威的恩典,给我们把身上的铁锁解开；是要靠自己的努力,把他打破,从那黑暗的牢狱中,打出一道光明来!

　　这些话曾引起她深深的共鸣。这些思想资源也化入了林昭年轻的血液之中。后面这一段,她成为右派后还曾抄在日记里,从她最后的抉择来看,她走的无疑也正是这样一条自我解放之路。思想自由,正是北大最珍贵、最重要的传统之一。林昭无疑也是属于这个精神谱系的,她是这个链条上不可或缺的一个环节。

　　1957年春天,在纪念李大钊殉难30周年时,林昭曾写下这段话:

　　鲁迅先生说:路是人走出来的。但如果没有第一个,也便没有后来的,也仍然没有路。而那第一个遵着遥远的火光,走进没有路的地方去,直到倒下去,还以自己的鲜血为后来者划出了道路的人,将永远、永远为我们所崇敬。只要这条路存在一日,走在路上的后来者,便再也不会忘记他的姓名!

　　整整40年后,我们同样可以用这番话来纪念她。

西方国家的领导几乎都是名校管理、金融、政治、法律的精英经过长期历练靠业绩被民众选出的。 

而中国呢，是靠巴结上级领导一级级爬上的。

一个“选”，一个“爬”，生动形象地刻画了中国和西方发达国家领导知识素质不同。

由于是是讨好领导而爬上领导岗位的，所以，中国就面临这么一个困境， 中共领导层他们其实并不知道中国该怎么发展。

为何中共领导层其实不知道中国该怎么发展? 

要回答这个问题,并不难.其实你就分析中国共产党的诞生 成长 历史和人员组成的知识结构教育背景就知道了. 

中国是那么大的 一个国家,如果走上一条健康发展的道路,靠什么? 

 必须靠优秀的人才 发挥才干 , 而绝不是靠权力 垄断 .

 既然只有 靠优秀人才, 那么就必须建立以人为本的价值观.

如果要建立 以人为本的价值体系的社会, 就必须建立民主的政治体制, 司法独立. 媒体自由\言论自由的社会, 否则, 以人为本就是空话.

 权利垄断和以人为本， 就是根本冲突的对立体, 二者不可能共处. 

可笑中国目前,一方面大谈特谈以人为本, 却又死抱着权利垄断不放, 试图鱼和熊掌兼得。只能说决策者自身就很无知 愚昧。 

人， 才是决定一切的核心.。

结束中世纪宗教黑暗统治后, 西方社会就形成了以人为本的核心价值观.。

中国呢? 我清楚地记得 十几年前,以人为本 还被当作资本主义被批判呢. 

中国为什么会有这么愚昧的思想呢?

回答这个问题, 就不能不提毛泽东对中国人民的贡献. 毛泽东不仅是深知群众力量的人,最懂得人的力量,也最懂得怎么利用人的一个天才. 

因为毛泽东对中国人民的态度就是中国人民是奴隶和动物, 为了让中国人 愉快高兴地当他的奴隶、 光荣地当狗, 他想出了绝妙洗脑策略, 就是让中国人民 接受 以人为本是资本主义的专利, 人道主义，爱人等思想价值观都是资本主义的，是丑恶的 、邪恶的思想. 于是，一些自私自利的 目光短视的知识分子于是就口诛笔伐 以人为本的价值观,说是资本主义 . 于是 中国人民就被愚昧地教育着 高高兴兴地为权利者 当狗 当奴隶,虽然他们实际上是奴隶, 却还得带上一顶一文不值的写有"人民"二字的草纸帽子. 

今天，所有人都会认为这些思想非常荒诞，当却确实是毛泽东统治中国时期的唯一正确的革命思想革命价值观。 毛泽东的文化思想革命，其本质含义就是让中国人民 觉得象狗和奴隶一样地被权利者 奴役 使唤很正常、很光荣，只要头顶“人民”分文不值的字即可。 

即使文革结束后，由于毛泽东思想依然在大放光芒，依然是中国人民必须学习遵守效仿的思想行动指南。我突然明白了，邓小平为何不愿意彻底抛弃毛泽东，为何要继续继承毛思想的衣钵。因为毛泽东团队确实建立了一个完善的集权专制的体制 ，让权利者可以非常容易地奴役控制劳动人民。所有文字电影艺术作品里, 绝大多数的中国人都自以为 自己是人而不是奴隶, 中国人民都是这样一面实际上当着奴隶,一面头戴人民的高帽子. 直到几年前,胡锦涛终于凭借剩余的良知,给中国人民解套, 提出 以人为本. 虽然, 至今, 中国人民实际上还是没有完全成为一个自由人, 但起码,中国人民至少从思想心理能够 建立正确的思想价值观, 知道一个社会必须以人为本, 自己是一个人,而不是一个奴隶和狗. 

That dream is why I can stand here before you tonight. That dream is why a working-class kid from Scranton can sit behind me. (Laughter and applause.) That dream is why someone who began by sweeping the floors of his father's Cincinnati bar can preside as Speaker of the House in the greatest nation on Earth. (Applause.)

That dream -- that American Dream -- is what drove the Allen Brothers to reinvent their roofing company for a new era. It's what drove those students at Forsyth Tech to learn a new skill and work towards the future. And that dream is the story of a small business owner named Brandon Fisher.

Brandon started a company in Berlin, Pennsylvania, that specializes in a new kind of drilling technology. And one day last summer, he saw the news that halfway across the world, 33 men were trapped in a Chilean mine, and no one knew how to save them.

But Brandon thought his company could help. And so he designed a rescue that would come to be known as Plan B. His employees worked around the clock to manufacture the necessary drilling equipment. And Brandon left for Chile.

Along with others, he began drilling a 2,000-foot hole into the ground, working three- or four-hour -- three or four days at a time without any sleep. Thirty-seven days later, Plan B succeeded, and the miners were rescued. (Applause.) But because he didn't want all of the attention, Brandon wasn't there when the miners emerged. He'd already gone back home, back to work on his next project.

And later, one of his employees said of the rescue, "We proved that Center Rock is a little company, but we do big things." (Applause.)

We do big things.

From the earliest days of our founding, America has been the story of ordinary people who dare to dream. That's how we win the future.

We're a nation that says, "I might not have a lot of money, but I have this great idea for a new company." "I might not come from a family of college graduates, but I will be the first to get my degree." "I might not know those people in trouble, but I think I can help them, and I need to try." "I'm not sure how we'll reach that better place beyond the horizon, but I know we'll get there. I know we will."

We do big things. (Applause.)

The idea of America endures. Our destiny remains our choice. And tonight, more than two centuries later, it's because of our people that our future is hopeful, our journey goes forward, and the state of our union is strong.

Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America.

In the coming year, we'll also work to rebuild people's faith in the institution of government. Because you deserve to know exactly how and where your tax dollars are being spent, you'll be able to go to a website and get that information for the very first time in history. Because you deserve to know when your elected officials are meeting with lobbyists, I ask Congress to do what the White House has already done -- put that information online. And because the American people deserve to know that special interests aren't larding up legislation with pet projects, both parties in Congress should know this: If a bill comes to my desk with earmarks inside, I will veto it. I will veto it. (Applause.)

The 21st century government that's open and competent. A government that lives within its means. An economy that's driven by new skills and new ideas. Our success in this new and changing world will require reform, responsibility, and innovation. It will also require us to approach that world with a new level of engagement in our foreign affairs.

Just as jobs and businesses can now race across borders, so can new threats and new challenges. No single wall separates East and West. No one rival superpower is aligned against us.

And so we must defeat determined enemies, wherever they are, and build coalitions that cut across lines of region and race and religion. And America's moral example must always shine for all who yearn for freedom and justice and dignity. And because we've begun this work, tonight we can say that American leadership has been renewed and America's standing has been restored.

Look to Iraq, where nearly 100,000 of our brave men and women have left with their heads held high. (Applause.) American combat patrols have ended, violence is down, and a new government has been formed. This year, our civilians will forge a lasting partnership with the Iraqi people, while we finish the job of bringing our troops out of Iraq. America's commitment has been kept. The Iraq war is coming to an end. (Applause.)

Of course, as we speak, al Qaeda and their affiliates continue to plan attacks against us. Thanks to our intelligence and law enforcement professionals, we're disrupting plots and securing our cities and skies. And as extremists try to inspire acts of violence within our borders, we are responding with the strength of our communities, with respect for the rule of law, and with the conviction that American Muslims are a part of our American family. (Applause.)

We've also taken the fight to al Qaeda and their allies abroad. In Afghanistan, our troops have taken Taliban strongholds and trained Afghan security forces. Our purpose is clear: By preventing the Taliban from reestablishing a stranglehold over the Afghan people, we will deny al Qaeda the safe haven that served as a launching pad for 9/11.

Thanks to our heroic troops and civilians, fewer Afghans are under the control of the insurgency. There will be tough fighting ahead, and the Afghan government will need to deliver better governance. But we are strengthening the capacity of the Afghan people and building an enduring partnership with them. This year, we will work with nearly 50 countries to begin a transition to an Afghan lead. And this July, we will begin to bring our troops home. (Applause.)

In Pakistan, al Qaeda's leadership is under more pressure than at any point since 2001. Their leaders and operatives are being removed from the battlefield. Their safe havens are shrinking. And we've sent a message from the Afghan border to the Arabian Peninsula to all parts of the globe: We will not relent, we will not waver, and we will defeat you. (Applause.)

American leadership can also be seen in the effort to secure the worst weapons of war. Because Republicans and Democrats approved the New START treaty, far fewer nuclear weapons and launchers will be deployed. Because we rallied the world, nuclear materials are being locked down on every continent so they never fall into the hands of terrorists. (Applause.)

Because of a diplomatic effort to insist that Iran meet its obligations, the Iranian government now faces tougher sanctions, tighter sanctions than ever before. And on the Korean Peninsula, we stand with our ally South Korea, and insist that North Korea keeps its commitment to abandon nuclear weapons. (Applause.)

This is just a part of how we're shaping a world that favors peace and prosperity. With our European allies, we revitalized NATO and increased our cooperation on everything from counterterrorism to missile defense. We've reset our relationship with Russia, strengthened Asian alliances, built new partnerships with nations like India.

This March, I will travel to Brazil, Chile, and El Salvador to forge new alliances across the Americas. Around the globe, we're standing with those who take responsibility -- helping farmers grow more food, supporting doctors who care for the sick, and combating the corruption that can rot a society and rob people of opportunity.

Recent events have shown us that what sets us apart must not just be our power -- it must also be the purpose behind it. In south Sudan -- with our assistance -- the people were finally able to vote for independence after years of war. (Applause.) Thousands lined up before dawn. People danced in the streets. One man who lost four of his brothers at war summed up the scene around him: "This was a battlefield for most of my life," he said. "Now we want to be free." (Applause.)

And we saw that same desire to be free in Tunisia, where the will of the people proved more powerful than the writ of a dictator. And tonight, let us be clear: The United States of America stands with the people of Tunisia, and supports the democratic aspirations of all people. (Applause.)

We must never forget that the things we've struggled for, and fought for, live in the hearts of people everywhere. And we must always remember that the Americans who have borne the greatest burden in this struggle are the men and women who serve our country. (Applause.)

Tonight, let us speak with one voice in reaffirming that our nation is united in support of our troops and their families. Let us serve them as well as they've served us -- by giving them the equipment they need, by providing them with the care and benefits that they have earned, and by enlisting our veterans in the great task of building our own nation.

Our troops come from every corner of this country -- they're black, white, Latino, Asian, Native American. They are Christian and Hindu, Jewish and Muslim. And, yes, we know that some of them are gay. Starting this year, no American will be forbidden from serving the country they love because of who they love. (Applause.) And with that change, I call on all our college campuses to open their doors to our military recruiters and ROTC. It is time to leave behind the divisive battles of the past. It is time to move forward as one nation. (Applause.)

We should have no illusions about the work ahead of us. Reforming our schools, changing the way we use energy, reducing our deficit -- none of this will be easy. All of it will take time. And it will be harder because we will argue about everything. The costs. The details. The letter of every law.

Of course, some countries don't have this problem. If the central government wants a railroad, they build a railroad, no matter how many homes get bulldozed. If they don't want a bad story in the newspaper, it doesn't get written.

And yet, as contentious and frustrating and messy as our democracy can sometimes be, I know there isn't a person here who would trade places with any other nation on Earth. (Applause.)

We may have differences in policy, but we all believe in the rights enshrined in our Constitution. We may have different opinions, but we believe in the same promise that says this is a place where you can make it if you try. We may have different backgrounds, but we believe in the same dream that says this is a country where anything is possible. No matter who you are. No matter where you come from.

Now, I have heard rumors that a few of you still have concerns about our new health care law. (Laughter.) So let me be the first to say that anything can be improved. If you have ideas about how to improve this law by making care better or more affordable, I am eager to work with you. We can start right now by correcting a flaw in the legislation that has placed an unnecessary bookkeeping burden on small businesses. (Applause.)

What I'm not willing to do -- what I'm not willing to do is go back to the days when insurance companies could deny someone coverage because of a preexisting condition. (Applause.)

I'm not willing to tell James Howard, a brain cancer patient from Texas, that his treatment might not be covered. I'm not willing to tell Jim Houser, a small business man from Oregon, that he has to go back to paying $5,000 more to cover his employees. As we speak, this law is making prescription drugs cheaper for seniors and giving uninsured students a chance to stay on their patients' -- parents' coverage. (Applause.)

So I say to this chamber tonight, instead of re-fighting the battles of the last two years, let's fix what needs fixing and let's move forward. (Applause.)

Now, the final critical step in winning the future is to make sure we aren't buried under a mountain of debt.

We are living with a legacy of deficit spending that began almost a decade ago. And in the wake of the financial crisis, some of that was necessary to keep credit flowing, save jobs, and put money in people's pockets.

But now that the worst of the recession is over, we have to confront the fact that our government spends more than it takes in. That is not sustainable. Every day, families sacrifice to live within their means. They deserve a government that does the same.

So tonight, I am proposing that starting this year, we freeze annual domestic spending for the next five years. (Applause.) Now, this would reduce the deficit by more than $400 billion over the next decade, and will bring discretionary spending to the lowest share of our economy since Dwight Eisenhower was President.

This freeze will require painful cuts. Already, we've frozen the salaries of hardworking federal employees for the next two years. I've proposed cuts to things I care deeply about, like community action programs. The Secretary of Defense has also agreed to cut tens of billions of dollars in spending that he and his generals believe our military can do without. (Applause.)

I recognize that some in this chamber have already proposed deeper cuts, and I'm willing to eliminate whatever we can honestly afford to do without. But let's make sure that we're not doing it on the backs of our most vulnerable citizens. (Applause.) And let's make sure that what we're cutting is really excess weight. Cutting the deficit by gutting our investments in innovation and education is like lightening an overloaded airplane by removing its engine. It may make you feel like you're flying high at first, but it won't take long before you feel the impact. (Laughter.)

Now, most of the cuts and savings I've proposed only address annual domestic spending, which represents a little more than 12 percent of our budget. To make further progress, we have to stop pretending that cutting this kind of spending alone will be enough. It won't. (Applause.)

The bipartisan fiscal commission I created last year made this crystal clear. I don't agree with all their proposals, but they made important progress. And their conclusion is that the only way to tackle our deficit is to cut excessive spending wherever we find it -- in domestic spending, defense spending, health care spending, and spending through tax breaks and loopholes. (Applause.)

This means further reducing health care costs, including programs like Medicare and Medicaid, which are the single biggest contributor to our long-term deficit. The health insurance law we passed last year will slow these rising costs, which is part of the reason that nonpartisan economists have said that repealing the health care law would add a quarter of a trillion dollars to our deficit. Still, I'm willing to look at other ideas to bring down costs, including one that Republicans suggested last year -- medical malpractice reform to rein in frivolous lawsuits. (Applause.)

To put us on solid ground, we should also find a bipartisan solution to strengthen Social Security for future generations. (Applause.) We must do it without putting at risk current retirees, the most vulnerable, or people with disabilities; without slashing benefits for future generations; and without subjecting Americans' guaranteed retirement income to the whims of the stock market. (Applause.)

And if we truly care about our deficit, we simply can't afford a permanent extension of the tax cuts for the wealthiest 2 percent of Americans. (Applause.) Before we take money away from our schools or scholarships away from our students, we should ask millionaires to give up their tax break. It's not a matter of punishing their success. It's about promoting America's success. (Applause.)

In fact, the best thing we could do on taxes for all Americans is to simplify the individual tax code. (Applause.) This will be a tough job, but members of both parties have expressed an interest in doing this, and I am prepared to join them. (Applause.)

So now is the time to act. Now is the time for both sides and both houses of Congress -- Democrats and Republicans -- to forge a principled compromise that gets the job done. If we make the hard choices now to rein in our deficits, we can make the investments we need to win the future.

Let me take this one step further. We shouldn't just give our people a government that's more affordable. We should give them a government that's more competent and more efficient. We can't win the future with a government of the past. (Applause.)

We live and do business in the Information Age, but the last major reorganization of the government happened in the age of black-and-white TV. There are 12 different agencies that deal with exports. There are at least five different agencies that deal with housing policy. Then there's my favorite example: The Interior Department is in charge of salmon while they're in fresh water, but the Commerce Department handles them when they're in saltwater. (Laughter.) I hear it gets even more complicated once they're smoked. (Laughter and applause.)

Now, we've made great strides over the last two years in using technology and getting rid of waste. Veterans can now download their electronic medical records with a click of the mouse. We're selling acres of federal office space that hasn't been used in years, and we'll cut through red tape to get rid of more. But we need to think bigger. In the coming months, my administration will develop a proposal to merge, consolidate, and reorganize the federal government in a way that best serves the goal of a more competitive America. I will submit that proposal to Congress for a vote -- and we will push to get it passed. (Applause.)